Noah Feldman

...Traitors, even just accused traitors like Gadahn, are exceedingly rare in American history. That's because treason is actually a very narrowly defined crime that's awfully hard to commit. And despite the latest wild revelations in the ongoing Trump-Russia saga—Donald Trump Jr.'s meeting with a Kremlin-connected lawyer who promised information as part of a Russian government effort to damage Hillary Clinton—legal experts say there is no way Junior or any Trump associate will ever get charged with treason...Even Laurence Tribe, a constitutional law expert at Harvard, inveighed that Junior's meeting had the "stench of bribery & treason."...Noah Feldman, a Harvard legal historian who previously suggested Trump may have committed impeachable offenses, agreed. "It's defined in the Constitution, and this isn't even close," he emailed me Tuesday about a possible "treason" charge.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. President Donald Trump still seems to think that pressuring China to rein in North Korea’s Kim Jong Un is the best way to push back against the rogue state’s nuclear expansion, most recently in the form of testing an intercontinental ballistic missile that could reach Alaska. This approach hasn’t worked so far, and there’s a reason: Chinese President Xi Jinping has no strong reason to object to a North Korean nuclear insurance policy against the threat of being overthrown by the U.S.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. Does Canada own the internet? The question may sound like a joke, but it’s the serious challenge presented by a Canadian Supreme Court decision issued last week. The court ordered Google to deindex search results that were letting one side of a lawsuit violate the intellectual property rights of the other -- not just in Canada, but worldwide.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. Is President Donald Trump trying to fire Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein without actually firing him? That’s the logical inference from the president’s tweet Friday morning asserting that he’s being investigated for firing FBI Director James Comey by the person who told him to fire Comey, namely Rosenstein. The immediate effect of the tweet is to pressure Rosenstein to recuse himself from special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation. Rosenstein will now have to do so -- soon.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. Justice Neil Gorsuch’s maiden opinion was superficially easy, a decision interpreting a consumer protection statute for the unanimous Supreme Court. Beneath the surface, the opinion has historic significance -- and not just because of the unusual way that Gorsuch got on the court. The case gave Gorsuch the chance to apply pure textual analysis of the law, ignoring policy interests and deciding in favor of big banks that buy up debts and then try to collect them. The fact that all the justices, even the liberal ones, were on board, symbolizes the emerging victory of Justice Antonin Scalia’s practice of ruling on a law’s text alone over approaches that interpret Congress’s purpose in passing the law. That development is unfortunate -- because it rests on an unrealistic assumption about Congress’s ability and willingness to amend ambiguous statutes.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. Kudos for creativity to the new Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University, which has alleged that the First Amendment bars President Donald Trump from blocking followers on his Twitter account. Unfortunately, the law runs to the contrary. There’s no right to free speech on Twitter. The only rule is that Twitter Inc. gets to decide who speaks and listens -- which is its right under the First Amendment. If Twitter wants to block Trump, it can. If Trump wants to block followers, he can.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. Can President Donald Trump block former FBI Director James Comey from testifying before Congress by invoking executive privilege? The answer turns out to be surprisingly tricky, despite the precedent of U.S. v. Nixon, in which the U.S. Supreme Court made President Richard Nixon hand over the Watergate tapes to a federal judge. On the one hand, a congressional investigation is different from a criminal case -- which makes it less likely that a court would allow Comey to testify if Trump refuses. On the other hand, Trump has spoken about his conversations on Twitter -- which arguably waives his privilege to protect a private conversation with his adviser. The only thing certain is that, if Trump invokes privilege regarding Comey, we’re in for a wild legal ride.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. The revelation this week that U.S. surveillance in 2016 had captured Russian officials talking about influencing Donald Trump’s advisers might be an important piece of evidence in a growing chain that could lead to Trump himself. But there’s another strong possibility: that Trump and even his campaign advisers were unwitting beneficiaries of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s plot against Hillary Clinton. After all, if American intelligence was listening to the Russians, why haven’t we been told already that there is direct evidence of collusion with the Trump campaign?

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. Can the president fire the director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau? That question, considered Wednesday by the full U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, would be of fundamental constitutional importance under any circumstances. But these aren’t just any circumstances. The case, PHH Corp. v. CFPB, involves the watchdog agency created in response to the 2008 financial crisis. As established by the Dodd-Frank Act, the CFPB has an unusual independent leadership structure, with the president severely restricted in his ability to fire the director. One of the questions raised by mortgage lender PHH in its case challenging an insurance kickback fine is whether the CFPB setup violates the constitutional separation of powers.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. In a remarkable 10-to-3 decision, a federal appeals court on Thursday affirmed the freeze on the second iteration of President Donald Trump’s executive order on immigration from six majority Muslim countries. The court said that national security “is not the true reason” for the order, despite Trump’s insistence to the contrary. It’s extraordinary for a federal court to tell the president directly that he’s lying; I certainly can’t think of any other examples in my lifetime.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has dropped the final fig leaf of democracy, announcing this week that the state of emergency will continue until Turkey achieves “welfare and peace.” The state of emergency, introduced with some justification after the failed coup in July 2016, allows Erdogan to rule by decree, sidelining both the legislature and the constitutional court. By extending it indefinitely, Erdogan is making explicit what had been implicit for months: He’s now officially a dictator. States of emergency are funny things. Many countries keep them on the books, because they are useful in genuine emergencies, and because their presence might, in theory, urge rulers back to democracy when the emergency passes.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. The news that former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn invoked the Fifth Amendment in response to a Senate subpoena has raised a heated debate about the constitutional right not to incriminate yourself. Is it all right to infer guilt from silence, as Flynn himself and plenty of Donald Trump staffers have suggested in the past? Or does that inference undermine an American right by turning it into a damning admission? It's a complicated question. In a court of law, silence isn’t supposed to count as evidence. In the court of public opinion, however, it’s not so simple.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. What’s been missing so far in the scandals surrounding the Trump White House is a concrete act taken at the behest of foreign powers. Now there’s strong evidence of one: Michael Flynn reportedly stopped an attack on the Islamic State capital of Raqqa by Syrian Kurds, a military action strongly opposed by Turkey, after receiving more than $500,000 in payments from a Turkish source. The Kurds' offensive had been greenlighted by Barack Obama’s administration, and is now back on track, reapproved by President Donald Trump sometime after Flynn was fired. If this story proves accurate then it’s a game changer for special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation.

Reports that President Donald Trump asked James Comey, the former FBI director, to end the bureau's investigation into former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn has left lawmakers on both sides of the aisle shell-shocked — and openly discussing the possibility of impeachment proceedings...Noah Feldman, a professor at Harvard Law School specializing in constitutional studies, predicted that Republicans would first "gauge public reaction" to the Comey reports before launching impeachment proceedings. "But we are gradually moving in that direction," Feldman said.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. During Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s visit to Washington, his “bodyguards” viciously beat and kicked Kurdish protesters outside the Turkish Embassy. It happened on a busy news day, to say the least, around the time of the revelation that President Donald Trump had asked the FBI director to stop investigating a former national security adviser's ties to Russia. But this shameful episode shouldn’t be allowed to escape analysis and serious follow-up. Federal law enforcement must investigate and if possible criminally charge the bodyguards -- who should not be allowed to hide behind diplomatic immunity.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. The American obsession with President Donald Trump and the investigation into untoward Russian influence is distracting us from China’s bid to displace the U.S. when it comes to global leadership. The latest major step is the “Belt and Road” initiative, which officially kicked off this week. Aimed at building infrastructure to connect China to a range of Asian countries, it’s sometime described as a Marshall Plan. But that analogy doesn’t go far enough. Infrastructure is how you dominate. Thus, Belt and Road is more like the 19th-century creation of railroads across continents -- or an effort to build an Eisenhower Interstate System for an entire region of the planet.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. Former FBI Director Robert Mueller’s appointment by the Department of Justice as special counsel on Wednesday puts him in charge of investigating ties between Russia and the Donald Trump campaign. But if history is any guide, that won’t be the most important part of his inquiry. The letter appointing Mueller also authorizes him to examine and prosecute “any matters that arose or may arise directly from the investigation.” The key words are “any” and “arise” -- remember them. Together they confer exceedingly broad authority, more than enough to let Mueller follow his investigation wherever it leads. Don’t forget Ken Starr’s investigation of President Bill Clinton, which began with the dud lead of the Whitewater scandal and ended with Monica Lewinsky and impeachment.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. If President Donald Trump asked FBI Director James Comey to stop investigating National Security Adviser Mike Flynn and his ties to Russia, that’s obstruction of justice. But let’s be clear: It’s the impeachable offense of obstruction. It’s probably not the criminal version of that act. With the evidence now available, it’s extremely unlikely that an ordinary prosecutor could convict Trump. This is an outstanding example of a crucial distinction that Americans badly need to keep in mind. High crimes and misdemeanors, to use the Constitution’s phrase, aren’t the same as ordinary crimes. What makes them “high” is their political character. High crimes and misdemeanors are corruption, abuse of power, and undermining the rule of law and democracy.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. Oh for the days when Donald Trump wasn’t taking the presidential daily brief -- and didn’t know highly classified information that he could give to the Russians. But a bit bizarrely, Trump’s reported disclosure of Islamic State plans to two Russian officials during an Oval Office visit last week wasn’t illegal. If anyone else in the government, except possibly the vice president, had revealed such classified information that person would be going to prison. The president, however, has inherent constitutional authority to declassify information at will. And that means the federal laws that criminalize the disclosure of classified secrets don’t apply to him.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. Outside the headlines, something remarkable is going on in Syria. The Kurds, making a long-term play for an autonomous region, seem to have decided that their best bet is to buy it from Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. And the U.S. is signaling that it may be on-board -- a startling reflection of its pro-Russian, anti-Turkish policy. The evidence for this reading of events starts with the upcoming fight for Raqqa, the headquarters of Islamic State. The so-called Syrian Democratic Forces, an umbrella group of fighters dominated by the Syrian Kurdish force known as the YPG, has reportedly gotten the green light to go ahead not only from the U.S. but also from Assad and Russia.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman. Calling Donald Trump’s firing of FBI Director James Comey a constitutional crisis is an exercise in crying wolf. At first it was just a few Democratic senators and representatives reacting in the moment, which called for disagreement but not detailed rebuttal. Now, after reflection, some serious constitutional experts are still using the phrase “constitutional crisis” to describe Tuesday’s events. That’s not just analytically mistaken but also potentially dangerous, especially in the Trump era. We need to save the concept of constitutional crisis for situations where there’s a fundamental breakdown in the structure of government.