Noah Feldman

An article by Noah Feldman: The House of Representatives’ historic vote to impeach President Donald Trump comes near the end of the president’s third tumultuous year in office — which is also the third year of the prolonged stress test he’s been giving to the U.S. Constitution. It’s an occasion to check in on the most basic question that can be asked in a democracy: What is the state of our Constitution? The short answer is that the Constitution is, so far, holding up in the face of the most extended challenge to its principles and norms that it has confronted since World War II. The impeachment itself is actually a significant improvement in the Constitution’s performance. It signals that at least half the legislative branch — the House — is now taking seriously its own responsibility to uphold the Constitution in the face of presidential contempt for it.

An article by Noah Feldman: Impeachment seems to have struck a nerve in President Donald Trump. On the eve of the House’s impeachment vote, he sent a six-page public letter to Speaker Nancy Pelosi, replete with self-justification, recrimination, and accusation. I will leave the psychological profiling to others. My job is to address the constitutional arguments, such as they are, in the extraordinary document. They may or may not be made again on the floor of the Senate in the upcoming trial; regardless, Trump has now made them part of the historical record. The constitutional talk starts right up top, in sentence two, in which Trump writes that “the impeachment represents an unprecedented and unconstitutional abuse of power by Democrat Lawmakers, unequaled in nearly two and a half centuries of American legislative history.”

An article by Noah Feldman: Slowly but perceptibly, the Trump administration is moving towards a concrete defense in the president’s Senate impeachment trial: Not that Donald Trump didn’t pressure Ukraine to investigate Joe and Hunter Biden, but that he did — and that there’s nothing wrong with it. The latest indication of this direction comes from the president’s personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, who in a couple of press interviews has acknowledged his role in advising President Trump to arrange the firing of the U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, Marie Yovanovitch, because Giuliani believed she stood in the way of getting those investigations. If Trump wanted to focus on the impeachment defense that there was no quid pro quo and that he innocently asked for the investigations in order to fight corruption, then it would be genuinely crazy for his personal lawyer to reveal the specifics of how and what he communicated to the president. Giuliani’s statements are terribly harmful to Trump’s case — and he has now effectively waived attorney-client privilege, so he could be called to testify.

An article by Noah Feldman: The jockeying has already begun over the structure of President Donald Trump’s Senate trial. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has discussed it with the White House counsel; Senate Minority Leader Charles Schumer has sent McConnell a letter proposing detailed protocols. All this action, even before the House of Representatives has formally impeached Trump, might be making you wonder: Isn’t there some pre-existing trial protocol required by the Constitution? Do we really have to have a debate about how the trial is going to run before it actually happens? The short answers are no, there isn’t a clear constitutional mandate for what the Senate trial should look like; and yes, there really does have to be a fight about what procedures the Senate will use in trying Trump. This seems like a crazy way to do things, but it reflects the framers’ recognition that impeachment as they knew it from England had always had a political side, and their reticence about putting too much detail in the Constitution.

Hosted by June Grasso. Guests: Liam Denning, Bloomberg Opinion energy columnist: "Saudi Aramco’s $2 Trillion Dream Isn’t About Oil." Noah Feldman, Harvard Law Professor and Bloomberg Opinion columnist: "We Know What the Framers Thought About Impeachment." Leonid Bershidsky, Bloomberg Opinion columnist: "Facebook Just Can’t Seem to Beat the Russians." Faye Flam, Bloomberg Opinion columnist: "Satellites Are Changing the Night Sky as We Know It." Joe Nocera, Bloomberg Opinion columnist: "Fannie and Freddie Make 30-Year Mortgages Possible."

This week, the House Judiciary Committee announced and approved two articles of impeachment. Why two instead of 10? Why is this process moving so quickly? And why are Democrats prioritizing trade deals the same week as impeachment? Vox’s Jen Kirby answers the key questions on Impeachment, Explained. Noah Feldman is a Harvard Law professor and one of the constitutional scholars who testified at the House Judiciary Committee’s hearing. He joins me to talk about what he saw, what he learned, and the Republican argument that truly scared him.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman: President Donald Trump has signed an executive order aimed at combating anti-Semitism on college campuses. What could possibly be wrong with that? The answer is nothing — provided the directive is applied in a way that doesn’t infringe on the free speech rights of student groups that are critical of Israel. But the way the executive order is written opens the possibility for misuse, and the danger of chilling student speech on campus in a way that doesn’t serve the cause of fighting the scourge of anti-Semitism.

An op-ed by Noah Feldman: The articles of impeachment under consideration by the House clearly allege high crimes and misdemeanors under the Constitution. Apart from the factual truth of allegations, the articles comport with the definition of impeachable conduct. Start with abuse of office for personal advantage or gain, directly aimed at distorting the electoral process. For the Framers, this conduct was the classic form of a high crime or misdemeanor. Their words demonstrate as much. At the Constitutional Convention in 1787, George Mason of Virginia warned of the “danger” that presidential electors could be “corrupted by the candidates.” Corruption meant the conferral of improper benefits for personal gain. James Madison worried about the presidency being used for a scheme of “peculation,” in other words, self-dealing or embezzlement for personal advantage. What is more, the two impeachment trials best known to the Framers both involved abuse of office for improper personal gain.

An article by Noah Feldman: When President Donald Trump appointed Bill Barr as attorney general back in February, it seemed like good news for the Department of Justice. The department had suffered some serious damage to its public reputation under attorney general Jeff Sessions — much of it inflicted by Trump himself. The president had systematically attacked the department and the FBI, depicting choices of investigation and prosecution as partisan and political. Trump had fired the FBI director, James Comey, and excoriated Sessions for recusing himself from the Russia investigation that Comey had begun. The appointment of Barr, who held the same job under George H. W. Bush, held out the prospect of a strong attorney general who would protect the department and its institutional integrity.

An article by Noah Feldman: The House Judiciary Committee has announced plans to consider two articles of impeachment against President Donald Trump. Because Democrats control the Committee and the House, it is now very close to a foregone conclusion that Trump will be impeached. It’s remarkable and historically significant that the committee will consider just two very focused articles of impeachment. Andrew Johnson’s impeachment featured 11 articles. Richard Nixon, who managed to resign after the House Judiciary Committee approved articles of impeachment but before the House adopted them, faced three. Bill Clinton was impeached with two articles — but they contained four and seven subparts respectively, corresponding to four alleged grand jury lies and seven alleged acts of obstruction of justice. In contrast, Trump will face charges that are extraordinarily simple and compact.

Noah Feldman, Harvard Law professor and Bloomberg Opinion columnist, on impeachment and his testimony to Congress. Hosted by Lisa Abramowicz and Paul Sweeney.

Noah Feldman, Harvard Law professor and Bloomberg Opinion columnist, on the impeachment of President Trump, and his testimony to Congress. Anand Srinivasan, Senior Semiconductor and…

It was Donald Trump’s calculation that a large percentage of Americans resided in a vegetative state that spawned his candidacy for president...So it no longer shocks that nearly half of America remains untroubled by what House Judiciary Committee member Jamie Raskin (D-Md.) described last week as a “one-man crime spree,” conducted by the president of the United States...The Constitution, Trump has proclaimed, permits him “to do whatever I want as president.” Whatever points he earns for candor should surely be subtracted for the open confession to a totalitarian, wholly un-American ideology. This was the point the constitutional scholars called by the Judiciary Committee made effort upon effort to drive home to the American people. The purpose of impeachment, Harvard Law School Professor Noah Feldman noted, was to prevent a monarchy, to ensure that “Congress could oversee the president’s conduct, hold him accountable and remove him from office if he abused his power.”

An op-ed by Noah Feldman:  It was weirdly cold in the room — that was the only thing everyone could agree on. Somehow, despite the bright lights and television cameras in the hearing room where I and three other law professors were testifying on the potential impeachment of President Donald Trump, the temperature remained somewhere between freezing and seriously freezing. It was so cold that the ranking Republican member of the House Judiciary Committee, Doug Collins, took valuable time out of his opening statement to complain about it. The spectacle of four law professors trying to speak on behalf of the Constitution affected each viewer differently. I’ve never received so many warm, supportive messages before; it’s also been years since I’ve been the target of so much raw hate and contempt, much of it along exactly the lines you’d imagine. It’s also a fascinating experience to be subjected to truly bizarre and spontaneously invented conspiracy theories. But that’s a topic for another day.

An expanded form of the testimony Noah Feldman delivered to the House Judiciary Committee on December 4, 2019. Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee: I’m here today at the request of the Committee to describe why the framers of our Constitution included a provision for impeaching the president; what that provision means; and how it applies to the pressing question before you and the American people: whether President Donald J. Trump has committed impeachable offenses under the Constitution. I will begin by stating my conclusions: The framers provided for impeachment of the president because they wanted the president, unlike the king, to be controlled by law, and because they feared that a president might abuse the power of his office to gain personal advantage, corrupt the electoral process, and keep himself in office. “High crimes and misdemeanors” are abuses of power and public trust connected to the office of the presidency. On the basis of the testimony presented to the House Intelligence Committee, President Trump has committed impeachable high crimes and misdemeanors by corruptly abusing the office of the presidency. Specifically, President Trump abused his office by corruptly soliciting Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to investigate his political rivals in order to gain personal advantage, including in the 2020 presidential election.

The framers of the 232-year-old U.S. Constitution played a central role in Wednesday’s impeachment hearing as constitutional law professors outlined the case for, and against, ousting Republican President Donald Trump...Harvard Law School professor Noah Feldman said he believed the framers of the Constitution “would identify President Trump’s conduct as exactly the kind of abuse of office, high crimes and misdemeanors, that they were worried about. “And they would want the House of Representatives to take appropriate action and to impeach.”

Since the hearings began in earnest three weeks ago, Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives have argued over and over that President Trump’s behavior in asking Ukraine to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden falls short of justifying the extreme sanction of impeachment. ... Professor Noah Feldman of Harvard Law School told the committee that Trump’s request that Ukraine investigate Biden, a prospective 2020 opponent, “constitutes a corrupt abuse of the power of the presidency.” Quoting William Richardson Davie, a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, Feldman said Trump’s request embodies the framers’ central worry that a sitting president would “spare no efforts or means whatever to get himself reelected.”

And now, here come the academics: Four of them, trailing their curricula vitae like billowing robes, ready to act as counsel for the Founding Fathers, who remain very dead but continue to haunt us. What would the founders think of us? What would they think of President Donald J. Trump, and the effort to impeach him? To find out, the House Committee on the Judiciary held a sort of seance Wednesday. “Some day we will no longer be alive, and we’ll go wherever it is we go — the good place or the other place,” said one of the Democrats’ witnesses, Noah Feldman, a professor at Harvard Law School. “And, you know, we may meet there [James] Madison and [Alexander] Hamilton, and they will ask us: ‘When the president of the United States acted to corrupt the structure of the republic, what did you do?’ ”

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi announced Thursday she would deliver an unusual public statement on the status of the House impeachment inquiry into President Donald Trump. On Wednesday, Pelosi met behind closed doors with her Democratic caucus, asking, "Are you ready?" The answer was a resounding yes, according to those in the room...Three leading legal scholars testified Wednesday to the House Judiciary Committee that Trump's attempts to have Ukraine investigate Democratic rivals are grounds for impeachment, bolstering the Democrats' case...Noah Feldman, a Harvard Law School professor, said he considered it clear that the president's conduct met the definition of "high crimes and misdemeanors." Said Michael Gerhardt, a University of North Carolina law professor, "If what we're talking about is not impeachable ... then nothing is impeachable."

Noah Feldman of Harvard Law School testified in front of the House Judiciary Committee on Wednesday that the framers of the Constitution created impeachment for actions that align "precisely" with what President Trump is accused of doing. "The framers reserved impeachment for situations where the president abused his office. … In particular, they were specifically worried about a situation where the president used his office to facilitate his own reelection," Feldman said. "... That is precisely what the framers anticipated."

When asked if there was sufficient evidence to charge President Trump with the high crime and misdemeanor of obstruction of Congress, Professor Noah Feldman of Harvard Law School argued that "putting yourself above the law as president" is an impeachable offense.