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    Donald Trump tried to delegitimize the legal process at all levels. Sadly, Judge Aileen Cannon's decision played into that narrative.

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    Judge Aileen Cannon’s opinion screams out that she applies more lenient rules to Donald Trump.

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    ABOUT WE DISSENT The full text of one of the most radical and controversial Supreme Court decisions in American history, highlighting the galvanizing dissent by Justices Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan … Dobbs v Jackson, the landmark decision to overthrow the rights first granted to women in the Roe v Wade decision fifty years ago, is the first U.S. Supreme Court decision in American history to actually take away from citizens a Constitutionally-protected right. As such it may be the most consequential Court ruling ever. Compounding matters, the decision opened the door to the overthrow of still further rights — such as same-sex marriage, for example, or equal rights for trans people. Nowhere is the danger of this decision made more clear than in the sobering yet electrifying dissent filed by Justices Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan. That dissent is highlighted in this edition, which includes the entire decision, to let readers decide for themselves, but forefronts the stirring and eloquently reasoned dissent. That eloquence will surely inspire, inform, and fuel the increasingly impassioned debate during the tumultuous campaign season of the upcoming mid-term elections — and beyond.

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    The present debate over the legal treatment of traditional knowledge (TK) and genetic resources tends to rationalize the precarious conditions in which Indigenous peoples and local communities live. The debate is organized around the question whether TK should be treated as part of the public domain or whether property rights should apply. Both sides presuppose either a robust utilitarianism or else a narrow conception of historical redress for past injustices. This Article argues that both property and the public domain depend on the disruption of places, people, and cultures that may stand in the way of the material conditions industrialized societies use as a proxy for human welfare. The TK debate tends to avoid fundamental moral and justice-related aspects of TK protection, including the centrality of TK to Indigenous peoples’ cultural identities and ways (and quality) of life, as well as their long-term socioeconomic development. The Article proposes a theological framework of “biblical stewardship” rooted in imago Dei—the foundational concept informing Jewish and Christian understandings of human nature and social interaction—to address the socio-moral dimensions that are constitutive of TK systems and the institutional context in which they unfold. The biblical stewardship framework focuses on the cooperative and kinship arrangements that enable and sustain productive capacity for TK. It centers the need for Indigenous peoples and local communities to be able to develop and protect their knowledge assets as a precondition for those communities’ thriving, both in the present and the future. Moreover, biblical stewardship supplies a basis for accountability by Indigenous peoples and local communities for how their TK is managed, shared, and utilized within a broader framework of progress and the public good—including obligations that foreclose access and benefit-sharing agreements that may undermine conditions for flourishing of plant, animal, or human life.

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    This Article focuses on the power and corporate governance significance of the three largest index fund managers commonly referred to collectively as the "Big Three." We present current evidence on the substantial voting power of the Big Three and explain why it is likely to persist and, indeed, further grow. We show that, due to their voting power, the Big Three have considerable influence on corporate outcomes through both what they do and what they fail to do. We also discuss the Big Three's undesirable incentives both to underinvest in stewardship and to be excessively deferential to corporate managers. In the course of our analysis, we reply to responses and challenges to our earlier work on these issues that have been put forward by high-level officers of the Big Three and by a significant number of prominent academics. We show that these attempts to downplay Big Three power or the problems with their incentives do not hold up to scrutiny. We conclude by discussing the substantial stakes in this debate--the critical importance of recognizing the power of the Big Three, and why it matters.

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    Hospital-at-Home (HaH) is a home-based alternative for acute care that has expanded significantly under COVID-19 regulatory flexibilities. The post-pandemic policy agenda for HaH will require consideration of multistakeholder perspectives, including patient, caregiver, provider, clinical operations, technology, equity, legal, quality, and payer. Key policy challenges include reaching a consensus on program standards, clarifying caregivers’ issues, creating sustainable reimbursement mechanisms, and mitigating potential equity concerns. Key policy prescriptions include creating a national surveillance system for quality and safety, clarifying legal standards for care in the home, and deploying payment reforms through value-based models.

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    In the past two years, in 25 US states, bills have been introduced to restrict access to gender-affirming medical care for minors. Some have already become law. We show how these bills, while purporting to “protect” trans youth, are really an assault on their ability, along with their parents’ and physicians’, to make healthcare choices and to receive medically necessary care. We discuss the evidence-based guidelines for the care of these patients, the positions taken by major medical societies against these bills, and the landscape of legal challenges that are being brought against these enacted laws.

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    In its current form, antitrust law is sometimes said to advance consumer welfare and to disregard economic inequality. In fact, because monopoly and monopsony benefit shareholders at the expense of workers and consumers antitrust law redistributes resources from (generally wealthier) shareholders to (generally less wealthy) workers and consumers. Antitrust enforcement agencies seeking to reduce inequality might adjust their priorities and target markets that are disproportionately important for low-income people. Agriculture and health care would be good places to start; food and medicine compose a larger share of the budget of low-income people than of others, and these goods are essential to basic well-being. Regulators should also give priority to labor markets, especially labor markets in which lower-income people participate, and especially where pay gaps based on race or gender are large. In some cases, it is also appropriate to consider sacrificing economic efficiency for distributional goals by introducing distributional weights into antitrust analysis; doing so can increase social welfare. At the same time, antitrust law’s contribution to reducing inequality is subject to substantial diminishing returns.

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    Professor Jennifer Hochschild’s Genomic Politics: How the Revolution in Genomic Science Is Shaping Society is a must-read for anyone interested in where our politics about genetics in America has been and where it is going. It is also an exemplar of how to do mixed-methods social science work: Hochschild combines theory with database searches and coding of congressional acts and social science journal articles, open-ended interviews with authors of leading peer-reviewed articles and other experts (semi-structured with genomic experts),1 and two sets of relatively lengthy online surveys (one administered in 2011 and one in 2017, nicely allowing some opportunity to detect change) to arrive at a much more complete picture than I have seen anywhere in the extensive literature. Part I summarizes the book and highlights its main contributions. Part II engages with three questions on which the book has something to say, but where I think a longer conversation is warranted: (1) What explains the lack of partisan politicization on these topics? (2) How should equality theorists think about obligations of justice that stem from genetic bad luck and the possibility of redistribution? (3) What would it mean to take seriously the critiques of race as a genetic category and what would that mean for equality discourse?

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    Reviewing ♣Joseph Fishkin & William E. Forbath, The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution♣ (2022).

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    Since 2014, viral images of Black people being killed at the hands of the police—Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Breonna Taylor, and many, many others—have convinced much of the public that the American criminal legal system is broken. In the summer of 2020, nationwide protests against police racism and violence in the wake of George Floyd’s murder were, according to some analysts, the largest social movement in the history of the United States.2 Activists and academics have demanded defunding the police and reallocating the funds to substitutes or alternatives.3 And others have called for abolishing the police altogether.4 It has become common knowledge that the police do not solve serious crime, they focus far too much on petty offenses, and they are far too heavy-handed and brutal in their treatment of Americans—especially poor, Black people. This is the so-called paradox of under-protection and over-policing that has characterized American law enforcement since emancipation.5 The American criminal legal system is unjust and inefficient. But, as we argue in this essay, over-policing is not the problem. In fact, the American criminal legal system is characterized by an exceptional kind of under-policing, and a heavy reliance on long prison sentences, compared to other developed nations. In this country, roughly three people are incarcerated per police officer employed. The rest of the developed world strikes a diametrically opposite balance between these twin arms of the penal state, employing roughly three and a half times more police officers than the number of people they incarcerate. We argue that the United States has it backward. Justice and efficiency demand that we strike a balance between policing and incarceration more like that of the rest of the developed world. We call this the “First World Balance.” We defend this idea in much more detail in a forthcoming book titled What’s Wrong with Mass Incarceration. This essay offers a preliminary sketch of some of the arguments in the book. In the spirit of conversation and debate, in this essay we err deliberately on the side of comprehensiveness rather than argumentative rigor. One of us is a social scientist, and the other is a philosopher and legal scholar. Our primary goal for this research project, and especially in this essay, is not to convince readers that we are correct—but rather to encourage a more explicit discussion of the empirical and normative bases of some pressing debates about the American criminal legal system. Even if our answers prove unsound, we hope that the combination of empirical social science and analytic moral and political philosophy we contribute can help illuminate what alternative answers to those questions might have to look like to be sound. In fact, because much of this essay (and the underlying book project) strikes a pessimistic tone, we would be quite happy to be wrong about much of what we argue here. In the first part of this essay, we outline five comparative facts that contradict much of the prevailing way of thinking about what is distinctive about the American criminal legal system. In the second part, we draw out the normative implications of those facts and make the case for the First World Balance.

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    Indirect investor protection (Spamann 2022) makes investment in most public securities safe even without understanding their terms or the underlying business. SPACs disable this protection by offering two alternative payoffs from the same security, the SPAC share, in the de-SPAC: the redemption value, or a share in the post-de-SPAC entity. The former is usually higher and chosen by sophisticated repeat players, while unsophisticated investors elect the latter or receive it by default (Klausner et al. 2022). Before the de-SPAC, the SPAC share price reflects the higher payoff, such that unsophisticated investors systematically overpay. This overpayment is captured, directly or indirectly, by SPAC sponsors and IPO investors. This allows the latter to make money from SPACs even if SPACs create negative social value.

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    They’re good for just about everyone, including employees and shareholders as well as overpaid CEOs.

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    Why people do or do not change their beliefs has been a long-standing puzzle. Sometimes people hold onto false beliefs despite ample contradictory evidence; sometimes they change their beliefs without sufficient reason. Here, we propose that the utility of a belief is derived from the potential outcomes associated with holding it. Outcomes can be internal (e.g., positive/negative feelings) or external (e.g., material gain/loss), and only some are dependent on belief accuracy. Belief change can then be understood as an economic transaction in which the multidimensional utility of the old belief is compared against that of the new belief. Change will occur when potential outcomes alter across attributes, for example because of changing environments or when certain outcomes are made more or less salient.

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    In a pre-registered 2 × 2 × 2 factorial between-subject randomized lab experiment with 61 federal judges, we test if the law influences judicial decisions, if it does so more under a rule than under a standard, and how its influence compares to that of legally irrelevant sympathies. Participating judges received realistic materials and a relatively long period of time (50 min) to decide an auto accident case. We find at best weak evidence that the law matters or that rules constrain more than standards, and no evidence of a sympathy effect. (JEL K00, K13, K40, K41)

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    If Trump or any of the likely Republican nominees win in 2024, they will immediately move to protect those who attempted to overturn the 2020 election

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    Through its "comfort women" framework, the World War II Japanese military extended its licensing regime for domestic prostitution to the brothels next to its overseas bases. That regime imposed strenuous health standards, which the military needed to control the venereal disease that had debilitated its troops in earlier wars. These "comfort stations" recruited their prostitutes (we limit this article to women recruited through Korea and Japan) through variations on the standard indenture contracts that the licensed brothels had used in Korea and Japan. Some women took the jobs because they were tricked by fraudulent recruiters. Some took them under pressure from abusive parents. But the rest seem to have taken the jobs for the money. The notion that the comfort stations were anything else dates from the 1980s. In 1983, a Japanese writer published a memoir in which he claimed to have led a posse of soldiers to Korea and conscripted women at bayonet-point. Soon, several women sued the Japanese government for compensation. The government apologized (the Kono statement), and the U.N. issued two scathing reports. In fact, the Japanese author had made up the story. By the end of the century, historians and journalists (in both Japan and South Korea) had determined that he had fabricated the entire memoir. In the meantime, however, an apparently corrupt organization (its leader is currently on trial for embezzlement) with close ties to North Korea (the leader's husband served prison time for passing documents to a North Korean agent) took control of the comfort-women movement. Steadily, it inflamed the ethno-nationalism within South Korea and stalled rapprochement with Japan. All this took place while North Korea steadily developed its nuclear weapons arsenal. Given the close ties between North Korea and the organization running the comfort women movement, that may be the point. Under pressure from the South Korean left, however, the government continues to launch criminal prosecutions against scholars who point out the genesis of the movement in the fabricated memoir. Readers in the Anglophone world need to realize that scholars who contest the fabricated comfort women story in South Korea face potential prison time for doing so.

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    Nations around the world are facing various crises of ineffective government. Basic governmental functions, including rights-protection and securing material well-being, including education and healthcare, are compromised, leading to declines in general welfare, in enjoyment of rights, and even of democracy itself. This innovative collection, featuring analyses by leaders in the fields of constitutional law and politics, highlights the essential role of effective government in sustaining democratic constitutionalism. The book explores 'effective government' as a right, principle, duty, and interest, situating questions of governance in debates about negative and positive constitutionalism. In addition to providing new conceptual approaches to the connections between rights and governance, the volume also provides novel insights on government institutions, including courts, legislatures, executives, and administrative bodies, as well as the media and political parties. This is an essential volume for anyone interested in constitutionalism, comparative law, governance, democracy, the rule of law, and rights.

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    Disclosure-based nudges are increasingly utilized by governments around the world to achieve policy goals related to health, safety, employment, environmental protection, retirement savings, credit, debt, and more. Yet, a critical aspect of these nudge-type policy interventions—the mode of communication—remains unexplored. We study the effects of the communication medium on debt collection procedures, using a policy experiment conducted in cooperation with the Israeli Ministry of Justice. Debtors often lack adequate information about the debt, the judgment, and the enforcement and collection procedures. As a result, the process of debt collection is often harmful to the debtor and ineffective in securing repayment. We manipulate the choice of medium--telephone, regular mail, text message, and video message--holding fixed the content of the communication. We find that digital communication strategies, in particular, communicating via text message, were the most cost-effective, significantly improving the outcomes for both debtors and creditors.

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    So far, the evidence of what Trump didn’t do on January 6th holds the strongest potential for making a successful criminal case against him.

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    This Article presents a systematic consideration of how administrative law doctrines apply to banking supervision, an unusual form of administrative practice that rests on an iterative relationship between banks and supervisors. First, it describes the rationales for, and process of, bank supervision. Second, this Article uses recent administrative law arguments lodged by banking interests against key supervisory practices as the springboard for an analysis of why our largely “trans-substantive” administrative law can be problematic in the context of specific mandates given by Congress to administrative agencies. It argues that courts considering how administrative law doctrine applies to agency practices must contemplate more fully the substantive law the underpins the mission and organization of the agency. When these statutory provisions are taken appropriately into account, arguments that supervisory practices are consistent with administrative law requirements are substantially strengthened. Third, this Article demonstrates how even a more tailored application of contemporary administrative law doctrines would miss a critical feature of banking supervision—that it is premised on an ongoing relationship between banks and supervisors. Judicial review of agency action usually focuses on discrete agency actions, thereby eliding this critical fact. As a result, administrative law doctrines such as the “practically binding” test for agency guidance are peculiarly inapposite. Lastly, this Article offers a tentative proposal for shifting the administrative law review of supervisory actions to focus on how banking agency processes manage the iterative nature of the supervisory relationship.

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    Voice-based AI-powered digital assistants, such as Alexa, Siri, and Google Assistant, present an exciting opportunity to translate healthcare from the hospital to the home. But building a digital, medical panopticon can raise many legal and ethical challenges if not designed and implemented thoughtfully. This paper highlights the benefits and explores some of the challenges of using digital assistants to detect early signs of cognitive impairment, focusing on issues such as consent, bycatching, privacy, and regulatory oversight. By using a fictional but plausible near-future hypothetical, we demonstrate why an “ethics-by-design” approach is necessary for consumer-monitoring tools that may be used to identify health concerns for their users.

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    We were lucky last time. A multitude of law-abiding individuals and fortunate events stopped the “quiet” phase of the coup to keep Donald Trump in power. That could well change in 2024.

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    On June 24, 2002, the US Supreme Court ended the constitutional right to abortion in Dobbs v Jackson Women’s Health Organization. The Court’s majority decision authored by Justice Samuel Alito was substantially the same as a draft opinion leaked a month earlier. The regulation of abortion will now be decided by the states. In this Viewpoint, we explain the Dobbs ruling and what it means for physicians, public health, and society.

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    Originalism, textualism and judicial restraint all got short shrift in this term’s major environmental-regulations decision.

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    But what if their big and fast moves, eviscerating some constitutional rights and inflating others, are bound for collision?

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    The Consumer Operated and Oriented Plans (CO-OPs), the subject of Section 1322 of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), were to constitute “qualified nonprofit health insurance issuers.” Designed with an eye toward increasing competition with the extant commercial and nonprofit insurance sector, the CO-OPs were to enhance consumer choice as well as hold down prices on the state and federal exchanges. To achieve these ends, the consumer-governed state-licensed CO-OPs were to target the individual and small-group markets. At least one qualified CO-OP was to be established in each and every state. By the fall of 2013, however, coincident with the first open enrollment period of the ACA, only 23 CO-OPs were on tap. At the time of this writing, only three of these CO-OPs remain operational in the states of Maine, Montana, and Wisconsin. Viewed in hindsight, the thorough dissolution of the CO-OPs was the product of incremental financial privation effectuated by congressional opponents of the ACA. In this Commentary, we revisit the ontogeny of the CO-OP construct, review its partisan dismantling, and explore the potential resurrection thereof.

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    Bounded rationality recognizes that human behavior departs from the perfect rationality assumed by neoclassical economics. In this book, Sanjit Dhami and Cass Sunstein explore the foundations of bounded rationality and consider the implications of this approach for public policy and law, in particular for questions about choice, welfare, and freedom. The authors, both recognized as experts in the field, cover a wide range of empirical findings and assess theoretical work that attempts to explain those findings. Their presentation is comprehensive, coherent, and lucid, with even the most technical material explained accessibly. They not only offer observations and commentary on the existing literature but also explore new insights, ideas, and connections. After examining the traditional neoclassical framework, which they refer to as the Bayesian rationality approach (BRA), and its empirical issues, Dhami and Sunstein offer a detailed account of bounded rationality and how it can be incorporated into the social and behavioral sciences. They also discuss a set of models of heuristics-based choice and the philosophical foundations of behavioral economics. Finally, they examine libertarian paternalism and its strategies of “nudges.”