Faculty Bibliography
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The ninth edition of this classic casebook Administrative Law and Regulatory Policy: Problems, Text, and Cases is streamlined and updated while retaining the previous editions’ rigor, comprehensiveness, and contextual approach.
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Between 1880 and 1910, as barriers to Chinese emigration arose across the Pacific Rim, European colonial administrations and entrepreneurs in Africa increasingly sought to divert Chinese labor emigration toward Africa. These efforts met with only limited success. Yet the growing labor flows linking China and Africa also helped to spark new scholarly and diplomatic interest in Africa among Chinese officials and literati. This presentation explores how three types of Chinese-language sources on Africa, scholarly atlases, fictionalized personal accounts and the experiences of migrant laborers, influenced elite views of Africa and government policy toward labor migration to the continent. Although nineteenth-century Chinese-language sources on Africa drew primarily from European works, these works depicted Africa through analogies to tropical regions more familiar to Chinese audiences, notably Qing China's southern frontier and Southeast Asia. Atlases such as Xu Jiyu's Brief Account of the Maritime Circuit (Ying huan zhi lue) explicitly sought to reconcile historical Chinese knowledge of Africa with recent Euro-American geographic sources. In contrast, fictionalized travelogues such as Ding Lian's Record of Travels across Three Continents (San zhou you ji) translated European travel narratives as first-hand accounts of Chinese travelers. Still, both types of works "Sinicized" Euro-American sources on Africa by reformulating Euro-American colonial and racialist discourses into Chinese imperial and ethnographic tropes. Despite an increasing number of Chinese laborers with first-hand knowledge of Africa, laborer perspectives remained marginalized until the Chinese imperial government named a consul in Johannesburg, South Africa. As a result, new Chinese-language sources on Africa served less to provide an accurate description of the continent than to familiarize Chinese elites with Euro-American civilizational discourse. Armed with this new knowledge, Qing officials began to develop a narrative of Chinese migrant laborers as civilizing agents as a means to defend Qing China's own precarious place within contemporary Euro-American civilizational thought.
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Prior to the outbreak of Covid-19, corporate leaders pledged to look after all stakeholders, not just deliver value to shareholders. Did they live up to these promises? A new empirical study examines more than 100 major public company acquisitions that were announced during the pandemic and shows that corporate leaders failed to look after stakeholder interests.
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The primary stock market characteristic driving climate issues is not a truncated time horizon. It’s the corporation’s capacity to externalize environmental and climate harms.
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n the past two decades, pioneering research has rekindled interest in the therapeutic use of psychedelic substances such as psilocybin, ibogaine, and dimethyltryptamine (DMT). Indigenous communities have used them for centuries, and researchers studied them in the 1950s and ‘60s. However, most psychedelics were banned in the ‘70s, when President Nixon launched the U.S. war on drugs. Fifty years later, rising rates of mental illness, substance use, and suicide are prompting researchers to revisit psychedelics, and some have gained permission to study them in limited quantities. Clinical trials are producing promising results, creating enthusiasm for commercializing and patenting psychedelics. This Essay analyzes the ethical, legal, and social implications of patenting these controversial substances. Patents on psychedelics raise unique concerns associated with their unusual qualities, history, and regulation. Because they were criminalized for decades, the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (PTO) lacks personnel with expertise in the field, rendering more questionable the quality of its evaluation of psychedelic patents. Moreover, because Indigenous communities pioneered many aspects of modern psychedelic therapies, their patenting by Western corporations may promote biopiracy, the exploitation of Indigenous knowledge without compensation. Importantly, control of psychedelics by a small number of companies may stifle innovation and reduce access to these therapies. The Essay presents proposals to reduce the risk of biopiracy and the issuance of unwarranted psychedelic patents. Potential solutions include the implementation of psychedelic patent pledges, the creation of psychedelic prior art repositories, and the tightening of patentability requirements for novel drug therapies. The Essay concludes that ultimately, due to their importance to the advancement of science and public health, it may be appropriate to view psychedelics as tools of scientific discovery, eligible only for limited patent protection.
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Healthcare is increasingly provided in a patient’s home, with potential cost savings and clinical improvements. But the hospital-at-home also raises unique liability issues not only for physicians and hospitals but also for caregivers and patients.
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President Biden has promised to nominate a Black woman at the same moment when the Court is likely to ban most race-conscious selections.
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Owners choose the rule that steers us to do what they want. But we can pick differently. This is true not just for airplane seats, but also for battles over digital privacy, climate change, and wealth inequality.
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There was no denial that Alabama’s new map blatantly discriminated against Black voters.
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Can patients regain control over their health information?
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Book review of Just Pursuit by Laura Coates.
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Congressional and presidential records reveal a consistent pattern of political intercession with the regulatory authority of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) over the approval and labeling of mifepristone (RU-486). This pattern is unlikely to abate any time soon. It is against this backdrop that we examine herein the ongoing legislative and legal disputes over mifepristone at a point in time which is just beyond the 20th anniversary of its approval by the FDA “for the medical termination of intrauterine pregnancy.”
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Constance Baker Motley had sterling qualifications. It didn’t matter to her critics.
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This essay takes stock of the debate over common good constitutionalism and the revival of the classical legal tradition. In doing so, we suggest that several of the most common critiques of that revival are based on serious misconceptions and question-begging claims, especially for the superiority of originalism.Our hope is to clear away these myths so that actual engagement may occur. We hope to inaugurate a new phase of discussion, one in which critics of the classical legal tradition begin with a baseline comprehension of what it is they are criticizing. In a sense, despite all the sturm und drang, the real debate over common good constitutionalism has yet to begin.Part I sketches the largely ersatz debate so far. Part II introduces the essentials of the classical theory of law and of common good constitutionalism, which is nothing more than the core precepts of the classic legal tradition translated, adapted and applied to current constitutional debates. We do not purport to provide a comprehensive statement of the classical theory, but merely offer an introductory mini-primer, with references to more comprehensive literature. As we will see, the myths we will discuss beg even the elementary questions. Part III explains how the myths are incorrect—or, more precisely, beg the questions in controversy. In the conclusion, we invite genuine engagement with the classical legal tradition.
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Legal challenges to police misconduct often do their best to deny claims that police officers are “experts” in the field. But what if they are, and that’s part of the problem?
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The Article II treaty process has been dying a slow death for decades, replaced by various forms of “executive agreements.” What is only beginning to be appreciated is the extent to which both treaties and executive agreements are increasingly being overshadowed by another form of international cooperation: nonbinding international agreements. Not only have nonbinding agreements become more prevalent, but many of the most consequential (and often controversial) U.S. international agreements in recent years have been concluded in whole or in significant part as nonbinding international agreements. Despite their prevalence and importance, nonbinding international agreements are not currently subject to any of the domestic statutory or regulatory requirements that apply to binding agreements. As a result, they are not centrally monitored or collected within the executive branch, and they are not systematically reported to Congress or disclosed to the public.This Article focuses on three of the most important types of nonbinding international agreements concluded by the United States: (1) high-level formal agreements; (2) joint statements and communiques; and (3) nonbinding agreements concluded by administrative agencies. After describing these categories and their history, the Article presents the first empirical study of U.S. nonbinding agreements, drawing on two new databases that together include more than 2100 nonbinding agreements. Based on this study, the Article argues that many of the concerns that prompted Congress to regulate binding executive agreements starting in the 1970s also apply to nonbinding agreements. Finally, drawing in part on insights obtained from a comparative assessment of the practices and reform discussions taking place in other countries, the Article suggests legal changes designed to enhance coordination and accountability.
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Nothing short of convicting Trump will disqualify him from running in 2024 — and claiming the mantle of the martyred hero while doing it.
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Why it's important the 1960 Hawaii precedent be maintained.
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The book shows that blaming short-termism overlooks the real causes of declining investment, R&D cutbacks, environmental deterioration, and workplace conflict.
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Tomiko Brown-Nagin, Civil Rights Queen: Constance Baker Motley and the Struggle for Equality (2022).
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The first major biography of one of our most influential but least known activist lawyers that provides an eye-opening account of the twin struggles for gender equality and civil rights in the 20th Century. Born to an aspirational blue-collar family during the Great Depression, Constance Baker Motley was expected to find herself a good career as a hair dresser. Instead, she became the first black woman to argue a case in front of the Supreme Court, the first of ten she would eventually argue. The only black woman member in the legal team at the NAACP’s Inc. Fund at the time, she defended Martin Luther King in Birmingham, helped to argue in Brown vs. The Board of Education, and played a critical role in vanquishing Jim Crow laws throughout the South. She was the first black woman elected to the state Senate in New York, the first woman elected Manhattan Borough President, and the first black woman appointed to the federal judiciary. Civil Rights Queen captures the story of a remarkable American life, a figure who remade law and inspired the imaginations of African Americans across the country. Burnished with an extraordinary wealth of research, award-winning, esteemed Civil Rights and legal historian and dean of the Harvard Radcliffe Institute, Tomiko Brown-Nagin brings Motley to life in these pages. Brown-Nagin compels us to ponder some of our most timeless and urgent questions–how do the historically marginalized access the corridors of power? What is the price of the ticket? How does access to power shape individuals committed to social justice? In Civil Rights Queen, she dramatically fills out the picture of some of the most profound judicial and societal change made in twentieth-century America.
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For a third year in a row, we followed up with authors of several recent Comments and Perspectives in Nature Machine Intelligence about what happened after their article was published: how did the topic they wrote about develop, did they gain new insights, and what are their hopes and expectations for AI in 2022?
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Members of the group face seditious-conspiracy charges for their roles in the January 6th insurrection. Can a sincere belief that the election was stolen protect them?
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The Times of London was wrong to report that I lobbied for a pardon for Ghislaine Maxwell.
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Following are lightly edited remarks delivered at a panel on “Unwritten Law,” held at the annual meeting of the Association of American Law Schools on January 6, 2022. These informal remarks are of course not intended to be rigorous or comprehensive, merely suggestive. Many thanks to organizer Robert Leider and fellow panelists Jeremy Waldron, Steve Sachs and Ashraf Ahmed for their thoughts and contributions.
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It would be a profound mistake for Congress to rush consideration of ECA reform.
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With respect to climate change, the principal focus of both research and public policy has been on mitigation – on reducing greenhouse gas emissions so as to reduce anticipated adverse effects. But it is increasingly clear that adaptation must also be a high priority. Climate-related risks – including flooding, extreme heat, wildfires, droughts, and hurricanes – are quite serious and are likely to grow over time. Creative and not-so-creative measures to nudge, incentivize, and mandate adaptation may well have benefits far in excess of costs – and may, in fact, deliver higher net benefits than some efforts at mitigation. Because significant climate change is now occurring, and will almost certainly create increasing risks over time, adaptation is essential. It must be carefully assessed with attention to (a) its aggregate effects on social welfare and (b) its distributional impacts. Cost-benefit analysis can much help with (a), but it can run into serious concerns, not only because of (b), but also because of epistemic gaps and because of its failure, in some cases, adequately to capture welfare effects.
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With gratitude for our commentators’ thoughtful and generous engagement with Recognizing Wrongs, we offer in this reply a thumbnail summary of their comments and responses to some of their most important questions and criticisms. In the spirit of friendly amendment, Tom Dougherty and Johann Frick suggest that a more satisfactory version of our theory would cast tort actions as a means of enforcing wrongdoers’ moral duties of repair. We provide both legal and moral reasons for declining their invitation. Rebecca Stone draws a particular link between civil recourse in private law theory and the right of self-defense as recognized in criminal law and moral theory. While we share Stone’s basic inclination, we argue for a different version of the link than the one that she draws. Veronica Rodriguez-Blanco provides a critique of our model of negligence law based on action theory. In response, we explain – in a way that we hope sheds light on debates over moral luck – how it is possible for the law to define negligence such that its commission depends simultaneously on the character of the defendant’s conduct and on the consequences that result from it. Though generally sympathetic to our approach, Stephen Smith faults us for failing satisfactorily to explain important remedial dimensions of tort law. Stubbornly, we insist that we can account for these, and indeed can do so on more satisfactory terms than corrective justice theorists. Finally, Erin Kelly challenges us to consider how our work might inform the analysis of two pressing issues of racial justice: overcriminalization and reparation payments. While we question whether our work to date has as much to offer on these matters as she suggests, we also maintain that the core principle of civil recourse theory – where there is a right there is a remedy – provides grounds for critiquing modern law’s failure to provide adequate accountability when police officers use excessive force against persons of color.