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    The objective of this chapter is the critical analysis of the primary tool for collective rights defense in Brazil: the class action lawsuit that is part of the Brazil’s microsystem for collective litigation. The key question is whether the country’s class action system has satisfactorily served its purpose of deterring and punishing rights violations by large businesses in Brazil. Our hypothesis is that such tool has proved insufficient as a remedy for infringements of the rights of third parties (consumers, workers, investors and even government organs) by private companies.

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    A research report on the acts, omissions and discourses of the Federal Executive leadership that have impacted indigenous peoples, prepared by the research group Development and Indigenous Peoples Law (DPI) of the Faculty of Law of the University of São Paulo (FDUSP).

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    Portuguese abstract: Trata-se de parecer jurídico que trata dos efeitos jurídicos e da racionalidade econômica das cláusulas de declarações e garantias, das qualificadoras de conhecimento e da previsão sobre os efeitos do conhecimento do adquirente para fins de indenização por violação contratual. Apresenta-se a distinção quanto à natureza jurídica e eficácia das declarações (representations), de um lado, e das garantias contratuais (warranties), de outro. A eficácia extracontratual das declarações, vinculada à higidez da declaração de vontade, contrapõe-se à eficácia contratual própria das garantias. Demonstra-se que as obrigações de garantia, constituindo tertium genus em relação às obrigações de meio e às obrigações de resultado, têm natureza objetiva, ensejando indenização “haja o que houver”, isto é, independentemente de má-fé ou culpa do declarante e da ocorrência de caso fortuito ou força maior. Já a aposição de qualificadora do conhecimento à declaração, por sua vez, impõe critério nitidamente subjetivo, obstando a caracterização de garantia contratual em sentido próprio e impondo ao adquirente o ônus de provar a efetiva ciência do vendedor quanto às infrações alegadas. A cláusula que busca desconsiderar o conhecimento do adquirente para fins indenizatórios (sandbagging) tem eficácia restrita a violações de verdadeiras garantias contratuais de natureza objetiva (warranties) cujo descumprimento conhecido seja suscitado antes do fechamento. Conclui-se pela inadmissibilidade do uso da cláusula de sandbagging como “carta na manga”. English abstract: This expert opinion examines the legal effects and the economic rationale of representations and warranties, knowledge qualifiers, and the contractual regulation of the effects of buyer’s knowledge for purposes of indemnification. We distinguish between the legal nature and effects of representations, on the one hand, and warranties, on the other. The extra-contractual effects of representations differs from the contractual effects of warranties. We show that warranty obligations (obrigações de garantia), qualified as a tertium genus vis-à-vis obligations of means and obligations of results, give rise to strict liability in all circumstances, irrespective of bad faith or fault of the obligee and of the occurrence of force majeure. The inclusion of a knowledge qualifier in the representation imposes a clearly subjective criterion, preventing the characterization of a contractual warranty and imposing on the buyer the burden of proving the seller’s actual knowledge with respect to the alleged breach. The effects of the clause seeking to disregard the buyer’s knowledge for indemnification purposes (sandbagging clause) are limited to known violations of strict contractual warranties raised prior to closing. We conclude that the use of sandbagging clauses as “an ace up one’s sleeve” is unlawful under Brazilian law.

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    The research discusses the constitutional aspects of Article 40, sole paragraph, of the Brazilian Industrial Property Law ("LPI", from its acronym in Portuguese). This institute establishes a minimum protection period for invention patents, and the Brazilian Supreme Court is now examining its constitutionality in Direct Action for the Declaration of Unconstitutionality no. 5529. The research aims to understand where this Brazilian provision is within the international landscape. For this purpose, the study compares Brazilian law and data on granting pharmaceutical and non-pharmaceutical invention patents for the period between 2010 and 2019 to intellectual property laws and patent granting in twenty-nine jurisdictions. In a nutshell, the research shows no match for Article 40, sole paragraph, of LPI in any other jurisdiction. Although a minority of the nations studied have mechanisms for additional patent protection, these are restricted to specific cases (e.g., for pharmaceutical products) and are guided by a diverse legal-economic rationale of reduced application, which is subject to certain exceptions and limitations. Therefore, one cannot correctly compare these provisions to the Brazilian one. These conclusions are corroborated by the empirical research results, which show that the minimum term institute is responsible for distortions that extend the duration of patents registered in Brazil beyond the deadlines established by the TRIPS Agreement or by the practices adopted by the international community. Finally, the research provides the Brazilian Supreme Court factual and robust material to decide for the unconstitutionality of Article 40, sole paragraph, of LPI. This decision could be an adequate measure to stimulate Brazilian scientific-technological production, amplify access to healthcare by Brazilians, and, consequently, promote the country's socio-economic development.

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    Efforts in legal education have been made to adapt the curriculum, teaching methodologies, and materials to bring students attention to the matters concerning the linkages between poverty, inequality, human rights, and development. In Latin America, due to its socio and economic realities, these efforts are permanently required. The present research aims at exploring and documenting the experience of the Law & Poverty Group, founded in 2006 at the University of São Paulo Law School. More specifically, this paper discusses the implementation of the Law & Poverty Group approach of three interlocking cycles (formation, investigation, and intervention), considering its teaching methodologies, and multidisciplinary materials, which focuses on legal, historical, and institutional perspectives to address effectively the challenge of poverty and inequality. By analyzing its publications and interviewing its current and previous members, ultimately, the purpose of this paper is to postulate reproducing patterns of the Law & Poverty Group experience, so it can be replicated, with adaptations, throughout Latin America and the Global South, spreading critical legal thinking and action in unequal countries. This paper is structured in following three parts. First, it presents the creation of the Law & Poverty Group and its themes related to Legal Structuralism and the required multidisciplinary approach. Second, it presents how the conductive learning is applied in the Law & Poverty Group, enabling students to actively participate in discussions, critically understand Brazilian problems, and creatively produce solutions pulling away compensatory measures, blind legal transplants and one-size-fits-all models. Following, it presents LPG’s projects, focusing on three initiatives: a book, a case, and a database. Finally, it presents the Law & Poverty Group perspectives for the future, and what it is in for the next ten years.

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    Portuguese Abstract: O presente artigo pretende traçar as principais características do advogado empresarial contemporâneo. Tem como ponto de partida os modelos de organização empresarial da advocacia e suas transformações em decorrência da crise financeira de 2008. Ao final da análise será apresentado um esboço do perfil do advogado empresarial com base na realidade econômica contemporânea e na organização profissional da advocacia frente às demandas por mudança. Para tanto, o texto está dividido nas seguintes partes: (i) introdução com a contextualização econômica da advocacia; (ii) modelos de organização da advocacia empresarial; (iii) formação jurídica do advogado contemporâneo; (iv) discussão sobre o papel desempenhado pela reputação individual e empresarial na advocacia contemporânea; e, por fim; (v) conclusão com esboço dos diversos perfis do advogado contemporâneo, variando entre dois arquétipos: o do arquiteto de instituições e o do empreendedor jurídico. English Abstract: This article aims to draw the main character of the contemporary corporate lawyer. It has as its departure point the standards of organization of law firms and their changes arisen from the 2008 financial crisis. At the end of the analysis it shall present a draft of the profile of the corporate lawyer based on the contemporary economic reality and the professional organization of the law firms which faces requirements for changes. For this purposes, the text shall be divided into the following parts: (i) introduction with the economic background of law firms; (ii) standards of organization of corporate law firms; (iii) legal education for the contemporary lawyer; (iv) discussion about the role played by the individual and corporate reputation in the contemporary law firms; and, finally (v) a conclusion with description of the several profiles of the contemporary lawyer which range will be between two archetypes: the architect of institutions and the legal entrepreneur.

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    Portuguese Abstract: A Lei de Resíduos Sólidos reconhece o importante papel das cooperativas e de outras formas de associações de catadores de materiais recicláveis como agentes da gestão integrada dos resíduos sólidos urbanos. No entanto, tal legislação não garante direitos ou benefícios específicos para os catadores e suas cooperativas ou associações, e tem o condão apenas de estabelecer diretrizes para a formulação de uma política pública sobre o tema. Neste contexto faz-se necessário uma reflexão sobre a estrutura jurídica mais adequada para os empreendimentos ligados aos catadores de materiais recicláveis de forma a integrá-los de maneira mais digna às diversas cadeias produtivas dos materiais que eles coletam e reintroduzem no circuito industrial. Assim, este artigo apresenta uma análise jurídica sobre as estruturas mais adequadas à consecução dos objetivos do Projeto Wasteland, relacionados à reorganização dos trabalhadores atualmente vinculados a diversas cooperativas de catadores atuantes no Aterro Metropolitano do Jardim Gramacho, na cidade de Duque de Caxias, Rio de Janeiro. English Abstract: The Brazilian Solid Waste Statute recognizes the role of cooperatives and other associative forms of collectors of recyclable materials as agents in the management of solid waste policies. Nonetheless, such statute does not grant any rights or benefits to the waste collectors and their cooperatives and associations; it only provide guidelines for the development of public policies on the subject. In such context, it is required to develop a legal structure that is adequate to the needs of entrepreneurships to recyclable waste collection in order to integrate them to the production chains of the material collected preserving their dignity. This paper presents a legal analysis of the most adequate structures related to the development of Project Wasteland, regarding the reorganization of workers currently associated to several cooperatives of waste collectors in the Jardim Gramacho Wasteland, in the city of Duque de Caxiais, Rio de Janeiro.

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    Abstract The main argument of this work is that the discourse of social and economic rights in Brazil has been appropriated by privileged economic groups with the result that the constitutional protection of those rights is no longer carrying out its function to reduce economic inequality. This article will be divided into three parts. The first is a discussion of the historic context of patrimonialism in Brazil as well as the origins of economic inequality in the country. The second part is devoted to the theoretical debate surrounding the con­stitutional protection of social and economic rights in light of what is often referred to as ‘new constitutionalism’, along with an interpretation of the structure for protecting social and economic rights that is present in the Brazilian constitution. The third part consists of a case study of the current state of the judicialization of the right to health in Brazil, with special attention to free concession of medicine and the new legislation on the subject. In conclusion, the paper argues that judicial decisions on the right to health, in particular, and social and economic rights, in general, have been formalistic, with little regard to their (often negative) distributive impact. The solution is then not to move from individual litiga­tion to collective litigation (eg class actions), but to move from an ‘individual rights’ approach to a ‘distributive’ approach, which takes into account the effects of court decisions not only with respect to the parties involved but also to the rights of the poorest of the poor.

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    This paper proposes the concept of the “Managerial Constitution”, which advocates the convergence between constitutional and corporate governance models. Such concept is based on the interpretation of certain features of the Brazilian Constitution enacted in 1988 that may serve as a model for modern democracies in developing countries. According to such model, modern constitutions should be sufficiently detailed to drive public policy and short-term legislative process in specific areas. Under this model, members of the executive, legislative and judiciary branches become less interpreters of principles inscribed in the Constitution and more agents of public policies outlined in the Constitution itself. This model opposes two dominant constitutional models. First, it opposes the model of the constitution as an “instrument of government”, characterized by a constitution with a limited number of provisions focused on broad principles and an outline of the government structure. Another characteristic of this model would be that legislative process could hardly change the constitution. Secondly, it opposes the model of the constitution as an “instrument of social engineering”, also referred to as the “programmatic constitution”. Under this model, constitutions would provide blueprints for the whole organization of society. By contrast, a “Managerial Constitution” provides for a more straightforward model, with clear rules to implement public policies. Such model is inspired by current developments in corporate governance of transnational modern corporations, which seem to demonstrate a greater level of tolerance to means of direct democracy in the governance of the corporation than constitutional theory would accept in the governance of the State. According to such model, constitutions shall be adaptable to changes in the domestic and international institutional environments and responsive to the interests of their citizens, allowing for mechanisms in which their citizens can chance the constitution directly.

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    Portuguese Abstract: O atual regime das sociedades limitadas foi alvo de substanciais críticas antes e depois de sua entrada em vigor. O presente artigo parte da hipótese de que a maior parte de tais críticas é fruto de um saudosismo com relação ao regime anterior e não são baseadas em levantamentos empíricos que permitam afirmar com o devido rigor qual o regime mais desejável para as sociedades limitadas. O que se buscará demonstrar é que o atual regime apenas criou certas regras básicas para o funcionamento das sociedades limitadas, as quais aqui serão chamadas de “cláusulas-padrão”, deixando espaço suficiente para que os agentes privados envolvidos desenvolvessem estruturas alternativas utilizando-se de sua criatividade. English Abstract: The current regime of the limited liability companies in Brazil was subject to many critics before and after its enactment. The current paper is based on the hypothesis that such critics were based on a nostalgic perspective concerning the prior regime and not grounded on empirical studies that would support any analysis considering which legal regime for limited liability companies is more desirable. What will be demonstrated here is that the current regime only created standard rules, leaving sufficient room for private players to develop their own alternative structures using their creativity.

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    A regulação da propriedade privada pode ser considerada como a forma mais essencial de regulação. O caráter central da regulação da propriedade privada para a maioria dos sistemas jurídicos não se justifica apenas do ponto de vista acadêmico ou ideológico. Tal entendimento tem uma justificativa prática, já que a regulação da propriedade privada afeta a todas as relações econômicas e qualquer alteração neste regime tem um profundo impacto no desenvolvimento econômico e na distribuição de riquezas de qualquer sociedade. Assim, o presente trabalho busca contribuir para o estudo da regulação da propriedade como estratégia de desenvolvimento econômico e social a partir da análise de inovações na política agrária brasileira. O presente trabalho será dividido em três partes. Na primeira parte serão apresentados os principais argumentos daqueles que defendem a formalização dos títulos de propriedade privada como a principal ferramenta para o desenvolvimento, sob a ótica da teoria institucionalista contemporânea. Na segunda parte, será apresentado um argumento alternativo, discutindo o conceito de “custos de equidade”, que são efetivos custos da desigualdade econômica para a sociedade. Na terceira parte, serão descritos os aspectos inovadores de programas centrados no estímulo à agricultura familiar no Brasil, demonstrando como tais programas já incorporam uma preocupação com os custos de equidade e, assim, trazem o gérmen do tipo de inovação institucional que pode criar um desenvolvimento econômico sustentável. The regulation of private property may be regarded as the most essential form of regulation. The central position of the regulation of private property most legal systems is justified not only based on academic or ideological perspectives. It is also justified by practice, since the regulation of private property affects all economic relations and any changes in such regime have profound consequences in economic development and in the distribution of wealth in any society. This paper aims at contributing to the study of the regulation of private property as a development strategy based on the analysis of innovations on agricultural policy in Brazil. This paper has three sections. In the first section I will unveil the theoretical underpinnings of the argument for formalization of entitlements as the main mechanism to spur economic development, based on contemporary institutional theory. In the second section I will present an alternative argument, discussing what I will call “equity costs,” or the costs of economic inequality. In the third section I will describe innovative aspects of policies focused on agricultural farming in Brazil, demonstrating that such policies already incorporate an understanding of the existence of “equity costs”, and, as such contain the germen of institutional innovation in order to create models for sustainable economic development.

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    Portuguese Abstract: Este artigo discute a pressuposição de que os sistemas presidenciais na América Latina são propensos à corrupção porque concentram muito poder nas mãos dos presidentes. Um argumento comum nas teorias do desenvolvimento contemporâneas é o de que tal concentração de poder discricionário gera corrupção em razão do Executivo ter a capacidade de negociar livremente com agentes privados oportunidades para extração de rendas indevidas. Desta forma, uma visão simplista deste problema seria que ao reduzir-se o poder discricionário do Executivo, reduzir-se-ia também a corrupção. Meu objetivo aqui não é provar que tal conceito é errôneo, mas apenas destacar algumas premissas equivocadas que influenciaram o processo de abertura política e econômica da América Latina durante as últimas duas décadas do século XX. English Abstract: This paper discusses the general assumption that presidential systems in Latin America are prone to corruption because they concentrate too much power in the hands of presidents. A common argument of contemporary development theories is that such concentration of discretionary authority generates corruption because the executive can freely negotiate rent-seeking opportunities. Hence, a simplistic view of this problem would be that reducing the power of the executive would reduce corruption. My objective here is not to prove that such a claim is wrong, but only to highlight some misleading assumptions that informed the process of political and economic liberalization in Latin America during the last two decades of the twentieth century.

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    O objetivo deste ensaio é discutir a relação entre um conceito não procedimental de democracia e a proteção dos direitos humanos. A análise não procedimental da democracia aqui proposta é simplesmente a avaliação da existência de um sistema democrático pelo resultado das ações governamentais, e não pelo processo de legitimação de tais ações. Dessa forma, em um regime democrático, uma legislação ou uma política pública deve atingir os objetivos traçados por elas, não podendo gerar resultados absolutamente contrários aos princípios procedimentais ou substantivos na qual estão baseadas. O exemplo discutido no presente ensaio é o da implementação individual de direitos econômicos e sociais. Direitos econômicos e socias estão lastreados no objetivo da construção da igualdade econômica, seja esta entendida em termos de igualdade de oportunidades ou de renda. Assim, a proteção de um direito econômico e social somente seria coerente com um sistema democrático caso o resultado desta proteção efetivamente coopere para a construção da igualdade econômica. Como conclusão, o artigo sugere a criação de um conselho constitucional de direitos econômicos e sociais, cuja função seria auxiliar o judiciário em causas individuais e coletivas relacionadas com a proteção de direitos econômicos e sociais, realizando análises sobre as consequências distributivas de tais decisões. The objective of this paper is to discuss the relationship between the procedural concept of democracy and the protection of human rights. The non-procedural analysis of democracy is simply the evaluation of the existence of a democratic regime based on the result of governmental actions, and not as a result of the procedure to legitimate such actions. By such means, in a democratic regime, legislation or policies should aim at the objectives proposed to each of them, so that they cannot generate results that are absolutely contrary to the procedural and substantive principles in which they are based. The example discussed in this paper is the individual implementation of social and economic rights. Economic and social rights are grounded on the objective of building economic inequality, understood as equality of opportunities or income. As a result, the protection of social and economic rights would only be coherent with a democratic system in case that the result of such protection effectively cooperate to the construction of economic equality. As a conclusion, the paper suggests the creation of a constitutional council, which function would be to support the judiciary in cases discussing the protection of social and economic rights from an individual or collective basis, providing analysis of the distributive consequences of such decisions.